A perfect dictatorship is defined as an affirmative action where leaders jointly support a regime through widening the rule of succession for those seeking for presidency enhancing what is called a dictatorial regime. This regime ensures that they assign policy making authority to citizens especially in those areas they are competent in (Schedler, 2000). Designation often takes place through consultation other than open contestation or rather by way of preferred cooptation to oppression. This definition of perfect dictatorship is a clear symbol of Mexico political system. Having ruled for more several decades, PRI had made the people of Mexico suffer from civil wars which were between regional warlords and radical factions. The PRI rule is described by many scholars as civilian, comprehensive, corporatist and a dictatorial regime apprehended together by hegemonic state party. Under the rule of Institutional Revolutionary Party (PRI), Mexico has been termed to experience what is called a perfect dictatorship.
According to Schedler (2000), as Election Day came closer, episodic evidence indicated that PRI was working tireless to win the election through illegitimate votes. The party came up with four strategies for exploiting materials for the purpose of election. These included bribing voters, threatening voters, coercing voters and courting voters. On courting voters, led by Zedillo (president), PRI asked people to reward the current government due to its social and economic positive performances. According to Schedler (2000), the president was seen to cut ribbons so as to advertise his achievements until the day of election. PRI continued to fraud the election process by way of bribing voter through the use of monetary exchange of about $6 to $500, offering of free goods and services such as taxi licenses, property titles and microcredit. In addition to bribing, PRI campaign team used threats to force citizens into taking part in their campaign missions. Public servants were made to deliver a list of presumptive voters requiring them to attend all campaign rallies. Finally, people were threatened that the government will stop issuing certain public services if they failed to vote in favor of PRI (Schedler, 2000).
Schedler (2000) asserts that, initially, the hegemonic party belonged to a species which was widespread in past and continually spread in the present. This resulted to constraint in civil liberties, limitation upon registration of parties and candidates' registration, election fraud where there was immense buying of votes and coercion and the ruling party was known to enjoy a monopoly when accessing media for campaigns. It is clear that the whole electoral process in Mexico during the rule of PRI was corrupt. The regime did not show any respect to electoral democracy (Schedler, 2000). This can be explain by the fact that since 1934, presidential elections were held through punctuating a dense calendar of regular legislative, municipal and gubernatorial elections so as to assume on democratic reforms that judged presidential systems. Electoral autocracies grew stronger and justified themselves by sporadic elections which indicated a measure of pluralism but denial of democratic standards.
It is evident that through the use of money and media, the ruling party enjoyed the privilege of doing away with democracy. Schedler (2000) asserts that, the media was used to mobilize people on behalf of ruling party hence it was able to play uneven game with other opposition parties. Even with the offer whereby parties shared 200 television hours and two hundred and fifty radio hours, local media retain biasness in favor of PRI whose coverage would increase as the Election Day approached. Statistics indicate that PRI received media coverage of 39.1%, Alliance for change 27.4% and Alliance for Mexico 19.9% both on regional and national radio and television broadcast.
It is evident that Mexican authoritarian regime begun as a rule by military leaders who constantly used force so in domestic violence. The entire political regime emerged as a result of action from top ranking solders. Revolution in Mexico began in 1910 after general Porfirio who was the president was overthrown. But the most powerful revolutionary took place when general Venustiano attempted to impose a successor for presidency. The revolutionary was been carried out by the various president who were top ranking officials in military (Schedler, 2000).
In conclusion, their preference of means made it easier for PRI to get hold of political information about the other opposition parties. It is clear that Mexican authoritarians widely institutionalized means for consultation thus fashioning policies which ensure that they gathered support in their favor. According to Schedler (2000), the ruling PRI managed these preferences of incumbents during election period with relative ease as compared to other parties. After a period of bad governance by PRI, the party decided to choose on its congressional leader who has promised to lead with a common goal of having a responsible opposition. On the other hand, the current ruling party PRD has shown its willingness to work with the opposition for the well being of the Mexican citizens. For the first time in Mexico history, the country enjoys the opportunity to become efficient in service delivery to its citizens.